Johann Reuchlin

Johann Reuchlin, woodcut depiction from 1516

Johann Reuchlin 29 January 1455 – 30 June 1522, sometimes called Johannes, was a German Catholic humanist and a scholar of Greek and Hebrew, whose work also took him to modern-day Austria, Switzerland, Italy, and France. Most of Reuchlin's career centered on advancing German knowledge of Greek and Hebrew.

Johann Reuchlin was born at Pforzheim in the Black Forest in 1455, where his father was an official of the Dominican monastery.

Here he began his Latin studies in the monastery school, and, though in 1470 he was for a short time at Freiburg, that university seems to have taught him little. Reuchlin's career as a scholar appears to have turned almost on an accident; his fine voice gained him a place in the household of Charles I, Margrave of Baden, and soon, having some reputation as a Latinist, he was chosen to accompany Frederick, the third son of the prince, to the University of Paris.

He now began to learn Greek, which had been taught in the French capital and he also attached himself to the leader of the Paris realists, Jean à Lapide (d. 1496), a worthy and learned man, whom he followed to the vigorous young University of Basel in 1474

At Basel Reuchlin took his master's degree (1477), and began to lecture with success, teaching a more classical Latin than was then common in German schools, and explaining Aristotle in Greek. His studies in this language had been continued at Basel under Andronicus Contoblacas. In Basel he made the acquaintance of the bookseller Johann Amerbach, for whom he prepared a Latin lexicon (1475–76), which ran through many editions. 

By 1477, Reuchlin had left Basel to seek further Greek training with George Hermonymus in Paris, and to learn to write a fair Greek hand that he might support himself by copying manuscripts. And now he feels that he must choose a profession. His choice fell on law, and he was thus led to the great school of Orléans (1478), and finally to Poitiers, where he became licentiate in July 1481.

He appears to have married, but little is known of his married life. He left no children, but in later years, his sister's grandson Philipp Melanchthon was like a son to him till the Reformation estranged them.

In 1490, Reuchlin found himself in Italy once again. It was during this time that he crossed paths with Pico della Mirandola, whose Kabbalistic teachings would later greatly influence him. He also struck up a friendship with Jakob Questenberg, the pope's secretary—a connection that would prove valuable during Reuchlin's future tribulations. Two years later, in 1492, he embarked on a diplomatic mission to the emperor Frederick at Linz. It was here that he embarked on the study of Hebrew under the tutelage of the emperor's Jewish physician, Jakob ben Jehiel Loans. This period marked the beginning of his deep understanding of the language, which he would later refine during his third visit to Rome in 1498 under the guidance of Obadja Sforno of Cesena. By 1494, Reuchlin's reputation soared with the publication of "De Verbo Mirifico."

In 1496, Duke Eberhard I of Württemberg passed away, leaving Reuchlin vulnerable to the influence of his successor, Duke Heinrich of Württemberg. Seizing the opportunity, Reuchlin swiftly accepted an invitation from Johann von Dalberg, the erudite bishop of Worms, and sought refuge in Heidelberg, a hub of intellectual activity at the time. Tasked with translating Greek works, Reuchlin became the focal point of Greek and Hebrew education in Germany, despite holding no official teaching position. To aid his students, he crafted various learning materials, including unpublished manuscripts of a Greek grammar and several introductory Greek books. Notably, Reuchlin adhered to the modern Greek pronunciation, advocating for it in his work "De recta Latini Graecique sermonis pronuntiatione" (1528), setting it apart from Desiderius Erasmus' pronunciation, and earning the title of the Reuchlinian pronunciation.

At Heidelberg, Reuchlin had numerous private pupils, including the well-known Franz von Sickingen. He had always faced resistance from the monks, and in Stuttgart, he clashed with the Augustinian Conrad Holzinger. Reuchlin sought retribution through his first Latin comedy Sergius, a scathing commentary on fraudulent monks and fake relics. Through Dalberg, he connected with Philip, Count Palatine of the Rhine, who tasked him with educating his sons and sent him to Rome in 1498—an expedition that significantly advanced Reuchlin's command of Hebrew. Upon returning to Heidelberg, he discovered a change in leadership that allowed him to go back to Stuttgart, where his wife had stayed. With his allies back in power, Reuchlin's expertise was once again appreciated. Around 1500 or 1502, he attained a prestigious judicial position in the Swabian League, remaining in the role until 1512 when he retired to a small estate near Stuttgart.

For many years, Reuchlin had been increasingly engrossed in Hebrew studies, whose significance for him went beyond mere philology. His interest in the reform of preaching, depicted in his work De Arte Predicandi (1503), turned it into a virtual compendium for preachers; yet, above all, as a scholar, he was fervently desirous that the Bible should receive greater understanding and could not confine himself to the authority of the Vulgate.

The key to the Hebraea veritas lay in the rich grammatical and exegetical tradition of the medieval rabbis, particularly David Kimhi. Once he had mastered this tradition, he was determined to share it with others. In 1506, he published his groundbreaking work, De Rudimentis Hebraicis—a grammar and lexicon inspired by Kimhi, yet not a mere replica of his teachings. Despite its high cost and slow sales, the main obstacle was the lack of Hebrew Bibles entering Germany due to the wars of Maximilian I in Italy. Despite this setback, Reuchlin found assistance by publishing the Penitential Psalms with grammatical explanations in 1512 and continued to receive other forms of aid thereafter. Reuchlin's fascination with Greek studies had also led him to the mystical and fantastical systems of later times, which shared an affinity with the Kabbala. Taking cues from Pico, he perceived the Kabbala as a profound theosophy that could be valuable for defending Christianity and reconciling science with the mysteries of faith, a widespread belief at that time. His mystical-cabbalistic ideas and intentions were expounded in the De Verbo Mirifico and, ultimately, in the De Arte Cabbalistica (1517).

Many of his contemporaries thought that the first step to the conversion of the Jews was to take away their books. This view was advocated by Johannes Pfefferkorn, a German Catholic theologian who was himself converted from Judaism. Pfefferkorn actively preached against the Jews and made attempts to destroy copies of the Talmud, sparking a long-running pamphleteering battle with Reuchlin. In his writings, he cited three causes hindering the Jews from becoming Christians: usury, lack of compulsion to attend Christian churches, and reverence for the Talmud. Pfefferkorn's plans were supported by the Dominicans of Cologne, and in 1509 he obtained the emperor's authority to seize all Jewish books opposed to the Christian faith. With this mandate, he sought Reuchlin's assistance in executing it, implicating him as a jurist and expert. Reuchlin evaded the demand due to formalities lacking in the mandate, but he could no longer remain neutral. The implementation of Pfefferkorn's schemes led to complications and a subsequent appeal to Maximilian.

In 1510, Reuchlin was appointed by Emperor Maximilian to a commission that was convened to review the matter. His answer is dated from Stuttgart, 6 October 1510; in it, he divides the books into six classes — apart from the Bible which no one proposed to destroy — and, going through each class, he shows that the books openly insulting to Christianity are very few and viewed as worthless by most Jews themselves. He emphasizes that the others are either works necessary to the Jewish worship, licensed by papal as well as imperial law, or contain matter of value and scholarly interest which ought not to be sacrificed due to their connection with a faith different from that of the Christians. Additionally, Reuchlin proposed that the emperor should decree the establishment of two Hebrew chairs at every German university for ten years, for which the Jews should furnish books.

Maximilian's other expert advisors vehemently proposed that all books be seized from the Jewish community. Despite the emperor's initial hesitation, his opponents laid the blame for their failure on Reuchlin. Pfefferkorn spread a scandalous accusation at the Frankfurt Fair of 1511, asserting that Reuchlin had accepted a bribe. In response, Reuchlin defended himself in a pamphlet called Augenspiegel (1511), which the theologians at the University of Cologne endeavored to suppress. Subsequently, on 7 October 1512, they, along with inquisitor Jacob van Hoogstraaten, secured an imperial order to confiscate the Augenspiegel.

In 1513, Reuchlin found himself summoned before a court of the inquisition, a situation that put him in a difficult position. While he was open to receiving theological corrections, as it was not his area of expertise, he stood firm on not retracting what he had previously stated. This led to a public clash, marked by Reuchlin's bold defiance in a document called Defensio contra Calumniatores (1513). The universities were then approached for their opinions, and they unanimously opposed Reuchlin. The conflict escalated to the extent that even Paris (August 1514) condemned the Augenspiegel and demanded Reuchlin's recantation. Simultaneously, a formal process commenced at Mainz before the grand inquisitor. However, Reuchlin skillfully managed to have the jurisdiction shifted to the episcopal court of Speyer. The Reuchlin affair caused a significant schism within the church, ultimately leading to the case being brought before the papal court in Rome. The judgment was not officially delivered until July 1516; although it was in favor of Reuchlin, the trial was ultimately annulled.

And while the obscurantists found an easy escape in Rome, where they only faced a half condemnation, their fortunes took a sharp turn in Germany. The tide shifted with the publication of Virorum Epistolæ Clarorum ad Reuchlinum Phorcensem (Letters of famous men to Reuchlin of Pforzheim), which was swiftly followed by the scathing Epistolæ Obscurorum Virorum (Letters of obscure men). This satirical collection, ostensibly in defense of his accusers, proved to be a devastating attack directed at them. The ridicule heaped upon Reuchlin's opponents in this document left no room for their survival.

In their relentless pursuit of justice for Reuchlin, Ulrich von Hutten and Franz von Sickingen went to great lengths, even resorting to threatening a feud against the Dominicans of Cologne and Spires to compel restitution for his material damages. A commission assembled in Frankfurt in 1520 to delve into the matter and ultimately condemned Hoogstraaten. Despite this, Rome's final decision fell short of providing Reuchlin with the compensation he sought. Nonetheless, as public attention shifted to the burgeoning Lutheran controversy, the fervor surrounding Reuchlin's plight waned, affording him respite from further assaults. Upon encountering Luther's theses in 1517, Reuchlin expressed relief, believing that the emergence of a formidable opponent would divert attention away from him, allowing him to peacefully conclude his twilight years.

Heinrich Graetz and Francis Yates have contended in their research that this affair played a significant role in igniting the flames of the Protestant Reformation. Despite facing suspicions of having inclinations towards Protestantism, Reuchlin remained steadfast within the folds of the Catholic Church. As a testament to his scholarly prowess, in 1518, he received the prestigious appointment as a professor of Hebrew and Greek at Wittenberg, a position he graciously passed on to his nephew, Melanchthon.

1517 De Arte Cabalistica Libri Tres

A scarce first edition and a fine copy of Reuchlin’s cabalistic studies, 'la Bible de la Kabbale Chrétienne' (Secret, Les Kabbales Chrétiennes de la Renaissance, p. 57) are available. The work is presented in the form of a conversation between the Jew Simon, the Muslim Marranus, and the Pythagorean Philolaus, who convene at Simon’s residence in Frankfurt. The burgeoning interest in the Cabbala, which was championed among the Christian humanists during the Renaissance by Pico della Mirandola, reached its zenith in the works of Johannes Reuchlin (1455-1522): De verbo mirifico (1494) and De arte cabalistica (1517). The latter publication, in a way, became the sacred text for Christian cabbalists.

In his work De arte cabalistica, Reuchlin artfully integrated Pythagorean concepts of number mysticism and metempsychosis, aligning them with the principles of Cabbala and bestowing upon Pythagoras the title of a “Greek cabbalist”. Expounding on the Cabbala as an alchemical process, Reuchlin delved into the internalization of external perceptions, transforming them into mental images and eventually into light. The significance of emulating divinity finds its symbolic representation in the central position of Adam Kadmon within the seraphic tree, as elucidated in F. van Lamoen's work, The Hermetic Gnosis. Catalogue of Exhibition in the Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica (37).

Reuchlin, a significant figure in German intellectual history, advocated for the exploration of Greek language and literature, while also being recognized for ushering neo-Latin comedy into his homeland. Yet, it was his groundbreaking examination of Hebrew language and Cabbala, conducted with the support of Pico, that secured his enduring legacy. Leveraging his extensive journeys, he established connections with fellow humanists and Jewish scholars, amassing a remarkable collection of manuscripts and printed works for his renowned library, which stood as one of the most impressive of its era (Contemporaries of Erasmus).